May 11, 2022
4 mins read

India is Quad’s pivotal partner for peace in Indo-Pacific

It is likely that India’s neutral stance on the Ukraine war unlike other Quad members, may come up during deliberations among the Quad members in the Summit…reports Asian Lite News

Quad Summit 2022 will take place in Tokyo on May 24 where the leaders of four nations — India, Japan, the US and Australia will deliberate upon various regional and global issues including Ukraine war and peace and stability in the Indo-Pacific region.

Interestingly, in the run up to the Quad Summit, the US President would visit the Republic of Korea and Japan from May 20 to 24 with the stated objective of further deepening the ties.

There are many skeptics who are raising doubts about the Quad members’ unity after India’s decision to abstain from the UN resolution against Russia over the Ukraine conflict. Quad Group has steered ahead since it was first conceived in 2007 with a vision of a free and open Indo-Pacific. The group became more coalesced after a decade and graduated to a formal association from being just a tentative coalition. Malabar Naval Exercises in November 2020 in which navies of Australia, India, Japan and the US participated, projected the power of unity among Quad members.

It is likely that India’s neutral stance on the Ukraine war unlike other Quad members, may come up during deliberations among the Quad members in the Summit. However, it is, almost a foregone conclusion, that despite US’s insistence on supporting Ukraine and decrying Russia for the war, India would stand firm in its stance that war should be stopped; negotiation and dialogue should be resorted to resolve disputes, humanitarian access should be provided, and civilian casualties should be avoided.

It is short of US’s expectations, but India is a sovereign nation and it has long and reliable ties with Russia, therefore, while it would continue to urge ending hostilities and resolving the disputes through dialogue and negotiations, it would maintain its measured and principled stand in this regard.

All the Quad members are democratic and believe in complying with international conventions while pursuing their security and strategic interests together in the Indo-Pacific region. The description of the Quad as the “Asian Version of NATO” in some quarters springs from the frustration that the presence of Quad like alliance would not allow any country to jeopardize peace and stability in the region.

The Quad, being a group of democratic countries which respect the sovereignty of each other, would not make any fuss on each other’s foreign policy. Rather they would focus on strategic collaboration in the Indo-Pacific region. The intention of Quad is clear from the very beginning, i.e., maintaining peace and stability as well as smooth mercantile movement in the Indo-Pacific and not expansionism.

India is pivotal to the US Indo-Pacific strategy. Its importance in the Indo-Pacific region has increased due to a shift in geopolitics as highlighted by the Indian Foreign Minister – “the Indian and Pacific Oceans have become much more seamless. It is increasingly untenable to see them in compartmentalized terms, which is part of a larger geopolitical shift”.

India is now recognised as a great link between the Western Pacific and the Indian Ocean — the major theatres of contemporary geopolitics. India’s geographic location, size, and military capabilities as the world’s second largest army, ranking fifth overall (ahead of France, Israel and South Korea), and a formidable presence in the Indian Ocean, make India an ideal strategic partner for the Quad.

The US State Department has always highlighted that a strong US-India partnership is vital to the Indo-Pacific vision, particularly for safe and free mercantile movement and compliance of the international conventions in and around the South China Sea in particular and the Indo-Pacific region in general. During his recent India visit, Prime Minister of the UK also highlighted India’s importance in maintaining peace and prosperity in the Indo-Pacific region and his willingness to cooperate with India in this regard.

India’s importance for Quad cannot be underestimated. It has been an influential power in South Asia and SouthEast Asia. It enjoys deep economic and strategic ties with the countries of the region. Since, India shares democratic values with other Quad partners and security concerns due to increased Chinese unlawful activities in the Indo-Pacific region, often based on military expansionism and violation of international laws, India remains strategically the most pivotal partner of Quad and other Western countries.

Anticipation about critical discussion in the upcoming Quad summit over India’s position on the Russia – Ukraine conflict is farfetched and unrealistic. The US has already indicated that it understands and appreciates India’s position on the Ukraine war.

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Pakistan Risks Overstretching Itself in Yemen War

Pakistan’s expanding military role in Saudi Arabia amid the Yemen conflict could strain its defence resources and fragile finances…reports Asian Lite News Desk Pakistan’s military involvement in the war in Yemen may prove unsustainable because of mounting financial pressures and competing security demands, according to a new report. Islamabad’s growing military presence in Saudi Arabia risks stretching its defence resources while exposing the country to greater strategic and economic challenges. An article by Andrew Wilson in One World Outlook describes Pakistan’s involvement as a case of “fiscal and strategic overreach”, arguing that the country lacks the financial flexibility to sustain an expanded military commitment. Pakistan’s external finances depend heavily on an International Monetary Fund (IMF) programme, financial support from Gulf countries and remittances from Pakistani workers in the region. The report argues that deeper military involvement in the conflict could place additional pressure on these sources of financial stability. It also warns that deploying troops and military equipment abroad could weaken Pakistan’s capacity to address security challenges along its eastern border and deal with two domestic insurgencies. The move could also draw Islamabad into a conflict it has sought to approach cautiously. A Reuters report in May, citing Pakistani security and government sources, said Islamabad had deployed around 8,000 troops, a squadron of approximately 16 aircraft, mostly JF-17 fighter jets, two drone squadrons and a Chinese HQ-9 air-defence battery to Saudi Arabia. According to those sources, Riyadh was financing the deployment, with Pakistani personnel operating the equipment. The sources also said a confidential agreement contemplated the possibility of deploying up to 80,000 troops. Islamabad has not confirmed those figures, although it has acknowledged its military presence in Saudi Arabia, including the deployment of fighter jets at King Abdulaziz Air Base from April. The One World Outlook article argues that Saudi financial support can cover allowances and operating expenses but cannot easily replace military equipment needed elsewhere or resolve the political and strategic challenges of participating in the Yemen conflict. Pakistan’s defence budget is another concern. For the 2026-27 financial year, the federal government allocated PKR 3 trillion, or approximately $10.8 billion, to defence services. The allocation represents an 18 per cent increase from the original PKR 2.55 trillion provision and amounts to around 2.1 per cent of projected gross domestic product (GDP). Defence spending accounts for approximately 16 per cent of the federal government’s PKR 18.8 trillion expenditure. Military pensions are budgeted separately at PKR 822 billion, while debt servicing costs stand at approximately PKR 8 trillion, more than two-and-a-half times the defence allocation. The report argues that these competing financial obligations leave little room for additional military expenditure without placing further pressure on public finances. Pakistan’s reliance on IMF assistance also limits its fiscal flexibility. The country must meet the conditions attached to the programme, including a primary budget surplus target of 2 per cent of GDP and continued restraint on development spending. According to the article, these requirements make it difficult for Islamabad to finance an additional military commitment without compromising other budgetary priorities. Pakistan’s economic indicators offer limited reassurance. Economic growth for the 2025-26 financial year is estimated at between 3.6 and 3.7 per cent, while inflation reached approximately 10.3 per cent in September following an energy price shock. Foreign exchange reserves stood at around $21.5 billion at the end of September. Although this marks an improvement from the low levels recorded in 2023, the report notes that the reserves cover only a few months of imports. Financial assistance from Gulf partners remains central to Pakistan’s external stability. The article says Islamabad holds approximately $8 billion in Saudi deposits at its central bank. In July, the State Bank of Pakistan said Riyadh had extended the maturity of $5 billion in deposits to December 2028, easing the country’s immediate external financing requirements. A further $3 billion deposit was also extended in the spring. However, the article argues that these arrangements provide temporary relief rather than long-term financial independence, particularly as regional conflict threatens the stability of the Gulf economies on which Pakistan relies. The report concludes that Pakistan faces a difficult balance between supporting Saudi Arabia militarily and preserving the financial and military resources needed to address its domestic and regional challenges.
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