As we bid adieu to the year 2023, India’s diplomatic outreach became a centre stage for the world. The largest democracy in the world showed how its strength and strategic autonomy still stand out despite international pressure, global turmoil, and gradual shifts.
The changing geopolitical landscape, characterised by realignments and recalibrations among major powers, demands nimble, flexible, and open-ended diplomacy from India and the watchers of geopolitics reiterated India’s foreign policy that yielded results through its action.
Let’s look at the year going by and the major significant events that showcased India’s growing prowess.
January
The year 2023 began with a taste, tradition and which has over time become part of the fabric of the event. January had a chief guest for India’s Republic Day. India, which has long embraced the concept of “Atithi Devo Bhava,” had a West Asian leader as its chief guest, Egyptian President Abdel Fateh El Sisi.
February
From being the first responder to being an independent-minded polity, India’s action speaks louder than its words. And New Delhi has proven this through Operation Dost. February began with a tragedy. A massive earthquake struck southern Turkey and parts of Syria, causing immense loss of life and damage to property in the region.
March
Seen as a grand test for Indian diplomacy, foreign ministers from the world’s biggest economies gathered in March this year in New Delhi for the G20, or the Group of 20 for Foreign Ministers Meeting.
Amid the festering divisions over the Russia-Ukraine war, India had a big responsibility on its shoulders. The US Secretary of State, Antony Blinken and Russian Foreign Minister, Sergey Lavrov met with each other and roughly spoke for some minutes, which was seen as the ‘first such’ engagement since the Russia-Ukraine conflict began. The event was started by PM Modi, who appealed to “rise above the differences.”.
April
As India’s diaspora continues to grow, so will the challenges India faces in protecting its diverse and geographically dispersed population. One such challenge that came in April was to get Indians out of war-torn Sudan.
India has a long history of successful evacuations of its citizens. On April 24, India launched Operation Kaveri to evacuate its citizens. A team of officials, including the Ministry of External Affairs, the Indian Air Force, and the Indian embassy in Sudan, were appointed by India to ensure the proper process of evacuation. During the evacuation, Indians were transferred from Sudan to the capital city of Khartoum, from where they were then flown back to India.
May
External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar also held a meeting with his then-Chinese counterpart Qin Gang, where the discussions focused on resolving outstanding issues and ensuring peace and tranquillity at the Line of Actual Control (LAC).
Also, Pakistan’s Foreign Minister Bilawal Bhutto Zardari was the first foreign minister to visit India after a gap of nearly 12 years. In 2011, then Pakistan Foreign Minister Hina Rabbani Khar visited India.
Another camaraderie in action was that of PM Modi and his Australian counterpart Anthony Albanese, which grabbed the headlines of all the major newspapers, television and digital media. Australian PM Anthony Albanese addressed Prime Minister Narendra Modi as ‘the boss’ during the mega Sydney event.
June
The month of June in the Indian calendar showed India’s growing prowess and its influence on the global stage. On June 22, this year, Washington rolled out the red carpet for Prime Minister Modi. He was invited by President Joe Biden for a state visit and dinner, the highest of diplomatic receptions typically reserved for only the closest of allies. The visit highlighted the country’s dual identity as a spiritual democracy and an economic power.
Modi during his US visit also appeared on Capitol Hill to address a joint meeting of Congress before a state dinner at the White House. He received a standing ovation as he entered the chamber to chants of “Modi, Modi”.
July
Sri Lanka, which is an important partner for India in its ‘Neighbourhood First Policy’, undoubtedly counts on New Delhi due to its unwavering support extended during the island’s worst economic crisis.
August
India made history, on August 23rd, India’s Moon mission Chandrayaan-3 successfully landed on the South Pole of the Moon. The only country to do so. India’s mission was applauded from around the world and became the focus of discussions across the globe.
Notably, Prime Minister Modi was in South Africa for the BRICS summit. Addressing from there, the Prime Minister said that the success of Chandrayaan-3’s soft landing on the South Pole of the Moon was not limited to one country but the success of mankind.
September
As recently mentioned by the Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov during a joint statement with his Indian counterpart in Moscow, ‘A triumph for Indian diplomacy, a triumph for multilateral diplomacy’. India pulled off a successful G20 summit (its first ever).
The month of September also had a diplomatic crisis. India and Canada engaged in a diplomatic row over the unsubstantiated public allegations that Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau made against India in the murder of a Khalistani terrorist in Canada. India has called these claims absurd and asked for evidence that Trudeau has so far failed to provide.
October
One of the worst and most tragic events of 2023 was on October 7. Hamas entered Israel, broke through Israel’s border defences, and took several of them as hostages, including women and children. In response, Israel launched a military campaign to eradicate Hamas. The war is still ongoing, with no sight of a halt. It is the deadliest attack on Israel since its founding.
November
Despite global political developments, India doesn’t miss events that matter to the world. Topics that shape the narrative and affect our daily lives. COP28 or the Conference of Parties, was one such mega event held in Dubai this year that showcased the efforts by various countries to limit global warming and held discussions to prepare for future climate change.
The 28th Conference of Parties (COP28) was held in Dubai, United Arab Emirates (UAE), from November 30 to December 12. India’s engagements at COP-28, led by PM Modi, showcased a comprehensive and proactive approach to tackling climate change. During his UAE visit, PM Modi proposed to host COP33 in India in 2028.
December
In December, Jaishankar hailed the “very strong” and “very steady” relationship between India and Russia. He said in Moscow that ‘India-Russia relations are the only constant in global politics’, New Delhi and Moscow are “valued and steady partners.” (ANI)
The second is a policy space and the others include domestic politics, geopolitical imperatives, multilateralism and finally material gain because at the end of the it is for common good…reports Asian Lite News
“After 75 years of independence it is important to introspect more about foreign policy, because often we tend to think that the decisions which were taken were the only decisions that could have been taken, which may not be entirely true so I think this exercise of the roads not taken, then they need not be hypothetical. I think, it’s important to look back, keep refreshing, correcting ourselves.
To get foreign policy right it’s important to look back, keep looking back, keep refreshing and keep correcting ourselves,” S. Jaishankar, External Affairs Minister said at the launch of the book “India’s Moment: Changing Power Equations around the World” by former Indian diplomat, Prof Mohan Kumar, Dean, Strategic & International Initiatives at O. P. Jindal Global University and published by Harper Collins.
“In the context of foreign policy we’re all negotiators. Certainly when it comes to diplomacy. Today as we are looking at technology issues or security issues, or debating strategic autonomy there are the six factors that Dr Mohan Kumar has referred to as the integrated framework in his book and the six factors, the first of which he calls the Gandhi litmus test, the poverty veto. The second is a policy space and the others include domestic politics, geopolitical imperatives, multilateralism and finally material gain because at the end of the it is for common good.
VIDEO | External Affairs Minister @DrSJaishankar attends the launch event of Ambassador Mohan Kumar's book – 'India's Moment: Changing Power Equations Around The World' – in Delhi. pic.twitter.com/pKXBQNmF1I
As India approaches a USD 3 trillion economy, given the range of our interests, the extent of our development, perhaps we could consider two other factors as well in making decisions. One is really comprehensive national power because it’s not always what you are defending. It is also what you are acquiring. And in WTO terminology offensive interest is also something which we will need to factor and the second is that as we grew, it is particularly in the economic domain, I think becoming more and more important to insist as part of any understanding how much of it will lead to it being made in India and employed in India. If I were to look ahead at the Amrit Kal and the journey towards Viksit Bharat I would certainly argue today that if I were to make a judgement, I would certainly look at decisions that would add or subtract from comprehensive national power and in ways it really contributes to creating deep strengths within India,” The Minister elaborated. “India alone will be among the big economies with a low carbon pathway. I think this is an observation which is really worth reflecting on because what it means is that India’s developmental pathway would actually be very unique. India gives food support to 800 million people, financial support to 400 million people, built houses for 150 million people all of this has been achieved in the last decade.
Glad to join the book release of “India’s Moment” by @AmbMoKumar today.
Offers interesting insights, especially on WTO and climate issues. Helps to appreciate the considerations that guide India’s approach to global negotiations pic.twitter.com/YWqTfOd9aq
Today, more than a third of our country gets health access and pensions. This is something very interesting emerging in India which is low income country, yet actually using the efficiency of its digital infrastructure to create a social safety net, which normally we would actually attribute to a middle income country.” The Founding Vice Chancellor of O.P. Jindal Global University, Prof. (Dr) C. Raj Kumar welcomed the Honourable Minister and elucidated on the growth of JGU as India’s leading university which began in 2009 and has emerged as an Institute of Eminence within 15 years of its existence. “Today, JGU has more than 10,000 students with nearly 1000 faculty member across 10 schools. JGU too has been part of India’s growth as we have achieved new heights in higher education. We focus on more than 400 international collaborations which allow for globalization for our students and research collaborations for our faculty. Interdisciplinarity is a cornerstone of JGU policy which has also being outlined very strongly in the National Education Policy (NEP). We recognize that the boundaries of knowledge and barriers between disciplines need to be broke. Going forward we aim to become a comprehensive university working in the space of STEM and Medical studies offering a range of qualifications for the growing demand of quality education in India.
Reflecting on the book, the author Prof Mohan Kumar said, “I have designed an integrated framework for understanding and assessment of India’s actions in the International arena. This framework comprises first and foremost the Gandhi Litmus Test, or what I have termed as the poverty veto. There are a huge number of people living in poverty in India and this has an impact on how India conducts international negotiations. Similarly, realpolitik and domestic politics also play a part. India is well on its way to become a leading power but in order to achieve that, the most important prerequisite is to reduce the number of people living in poverty and make growth inclusive. The important conclusion is that India must become a USD 10 Trillion economy with inclusive growth. It will then be India’s moment – to transition from a balancing power to a leading power in the world.”
The vote of thanks was delivered by Professor Dabiru Sridhar Patnaik, Registrar, O.P. Jindal Global University who said, “We are privileged to have with us Dr S. Jaishankar, External Affairs Minister who emphasized the potential role that India could play through its thought leadership and deal with the current global public policy issue.
Timidity has given way to self-confidence, lassitude to vigour, and confusion to clarity that India’s actions, governed by its civilizational values, will be taken independently and not under anyone’s pressure, writes Satish Chandra
As a result of the Narendra Modi government’s transformative foreign policy India today is no longer a supplicant in the world comity of nations and enjoys a place on the high table. While in the past it was difficult to even secure appointments for our leaders with their counterparts from powerful countries, India is now courted and feted by most countries. Accordingly, Indians the world over, who were usually looked down upon, can hold their heads high.
India’s greatly enhanced stature may be attributed to the Prime Minister’s unflagging energy and to his vision that India guided by its ethos and civilizational values is destined for leadership in the international community. Due to his high energy levels the Prime Minister, who never takes a vacation, has been able to devote more personal attention than any of his predecessors to the onerous task of nation building inclusive of its foreign policy. It is no wonder, therefore, that while India has emerged as the fastest growing major economy on the verge of becoming an economic powerhouse, it has simultaneously established extensive mutually beneficial relationships with a wide range of countries cutting across regions, ideologies, cultures, and blocs. This process has been facilitated by its smartly leveraging its foreign policy to further its development goals and using its economic clout to promote its foreign policy endeavours.
RADICALLY DIFFERENT
The characteristics of the Modi government’s foreign policy are radically different from those of earlier governments. Timidity has given way to self-confidence, lassitude to vigour, and confusion to clarity that India’s actions, governed by its civilizational values, will be taken independently and not under anyone’s pressure, much less dictates. Accordingly, India has shed the long standing reticence about its Indianness and taken to not only expressing pride in its values but also in propagating them. Whether it be the call for observance of the International Day of Yoga, or the need to promote alternative medicine, or observing the philosophy of Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam coupled with the belief in the spiritual oneness of humankind together with an abiding commitment to the ideologies of dialogue, non-violence, and ecological conservation, India in recent times has boldly left the impress of the wisdom of its traditional thinking on the entire world as never before.
Indian exhortations have fallen on receptive ears because of the innate value of what it propagates, because the complex problems facing the world have no other ready solutions, and because India is recognized as a force for good with no extra territorial ambitions and as a net security provider ready to help wherever possible. This was apparent during the Covid pandemic when India, apart from attending to its own needs, provided medicines and vaccines to over a hundred countries at a time when the more advanced countries with their blinkered mindsets did little to help. India has, moreover, been the first responder to regional humanitarian crises the world over and has robust development assistance programmes covering many countries particularly those in its immediate neighbourhood.
The Modi government’s uninhibited embrace of its Indianness has inevitably been accompanied by a conscious and powerful connect with the 25 million strong Indian diaspora which had become alienated due to the deliberate Nehruvian disassociation from it arising from concerns that linkages with the mother country might impair the sovereignty of the host countries. Such timidity has happily been jettisoned as evidenced by Prime Minister Modi’s assertion while addressing the Indian community in Malaysia in 2015 that India is not confined to the territory of India and exists in every Indian in every part of the world. Accordingly, in his travels abroad Modi makes it a point to address mammoth gatherings of the Indian diaspora, lauding their achievements, seeking to strengthen their linkages with the mainland and galvanizing them for their empowerment. Above all, any major issues faced by them to the extent resolvable by India like evacuation from troubled areas like Yemen, Iraq, Syria, Ukraine, Sudan etc., are promptly attended to. It is, therefore, but natural that the Indian diaspora today associates itself with India’s rise, is committed to promote the mother country and feels a sense of pride in its Indianness.
REMARKABLY DEFT
Indian foreign policy in the last nine years has been remarkably deft as it has coped near flawlessly with rapidly changing and indeed tumultuous scenarios arising out of the once in a century pandemic, the Ukraine conflict, China’s rise and unabashed expansionist agenda, heightened polarization between NATO and its gaggle of supporters on the one hand and the Sino-Russian entente on the other, and the rise of many middle powers like the UAE, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Indonesia, Australia etc.
Recognising the critical importance of regional stability, the Modi government has wisely bestowed special attention to India’s South Asian neighbours. India’s relations with them have, inter alia, been bedeviled by the small country big country syndrome, a sense of neglect, inattention to longstanding issues and differences, and China’s machinations. In this backdrop, Prime Minister Modi in an unprecedented move invited the leaders of India’s immediate neighbours for his inauguration in 2014. This was followed up with his personally visiting these countries and frequent high level exchanges, generous assistance and where necessary massive bailout packages coupled with innumerable connectivity and development projects. In the process, the Modi government did not shy away from taking tough decisions and in displaying remarkable generosity. For instance, it unhesitatingly accepted the ruling of the Permanent Court of Arbitration in 2014 on the India Bangladesh maritime boundary which awarded around 80% of the disputed area to the latter. Similarly, in 2015 it grasped the nettle and addressed the thorny issue entailing the settlement of the land boundary with Bangladesh even though it involved much give and take of territory which inevitably aroused some opposition within India. As a result of this approach, India today enjoys excellent ties with Bhutan, Bangladesh and the Maldives and very good ties with Nepal and Sri Lanka even though the latter have not hesitated to play the China card every now and then.
THE AF-PAK QUESTION
Ties with Afghanistan have, however, been problematic ever since the terrorist tainted Taliban regime was allowed to take over power in that country in 2021 by the international community despite India’s reservations. Nevertheless, keeping in mind its age old linkages with the people of Afghanistan and putting aside its concerns about the Taliban regime, India has been providing considerable humanitarian assistance to the country by way of food and medical supplies. It has also pragmatically maintained some engagement with the Taliban regime in order to protect its equities in the country.
If relations with Afghanistan are problematic those with Pakistan are at an all time low with diplomatic representation at the level of charge d’affaires. Modi cannot, however, be faulted for this state of affairs as he tried all that he could to place the relationship on an even keel inviting Nawaz Sharif for his inauguration, making a surprise visit to Pakistan in December 2015 and promoting back channel talks. There is a certain inevitability in the downturn in the relationship given Pakistan’s anti Indian DNA as reflected in its persistence in the export of terrorism to India. In these circumstances, it is to the Modi government’s credit that it has smelt the coffee and unlike previous government’s made it clear that there can be no business as usual as long as Pakistan does not give up on the use of terror against India. It also needs to be commended for not having hesitated in responding militarily to major terrorist actions across the LoC as in the surgical strikes and across the IB in the Balakot action. Had previous Indian governments resorted to such punitive actions it is possible that Pakistan may have had second thoughts about engaging in terrorist attacks against India at will.
THE CHINESE PROBLEM
More worrisome than the troubled ties with Afghanistan and Pakistan is the state of relations with China. The last few years have witnessed concerted Chinese attempts at encroachments at several places along the LAC accompanied by considerable troop movement in violation of bilateral agreements. India has, however, stood firm and pushed back even though this has led to clashes. The Modi government has made it clear that there can be no normalization of relations without peace and tranquility along our borders which is dependent on the disengagement of troops and a restoration of the status quo ante. China’s aggressive posture has been accompanied by many anti Indian moves including inter alia its backing of Pakistan on the Kashmir issue and stymying efforts at imposition of UN sanctions on terrorists being sheltered by Pakistan. As in Pakistan’s case, China’s inimical moves against India come despite Modi’s best efforts at repairing ties inter alia through several one on one meetings with Xi Jinping. China’s anti India posture is unlikely to change any time soon as it views India as an obstacle to its hegemonic ambitions in the region. In these circumstances, the Modi government has done well not only by boldly resisting China’s salami slicing endeavours, by beefing up India’s defences, by building linkages with others similarly threatened, and by promoting the establishment of resilient supply chains, accompanied by its Aatmanirbhar programme, so as to de risk its economy from dependence on China. Such a multi-pronged effort demands the deployment of a gargantuan whole of government approach which is now underway to address the China challenge.
Xi Jinping, general secretary of the CPC Central Committee, waves to journalists at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing, Oct. 23, 2022. (Xinhua/Pang Xinglei/IANS)
INDIA-U.S. & INDIA-RUSSIA
In the context of the rocky Sino India ties our relations with the United States assume great importance. Here Modi has done spectacularly well in successfully building upon the progress made in the past through the Presidencies of Obama, Trump, and Biden to make our relationship with the US the most wide ranging and most important. The fact that Modi is proceeding on a state visit to the US in June 2023, which will be only the third state visit hosted under the current Biden administration, bears testimony to this. The US is today India’s biggest trading partner and despite relentless media propaganda in that country against India there is bipartisan consensus in the US Congress in favour of India.
It is to the credit of the Modi government that improved India US ties have not come at the cost of India Russia ties. Indeed, India has also successfully resisted much pressure to take sides against Russia in the Ukraine conflict by condemning it, adhering to Western sanctions against it, and not purchasing discounted oil from it. The management of India’s neutral posture on the conflict has been nothing short of masterly and reflects a self-confident and persuasive foreign policy geared to the national interest.
BRIDGING THE GULF
The Modi government has also engineered a remarkable uptick in ties with the Gulf States which desirous of becoming modern states and guided by their long term interests see India as an invaluable partner. The process has been facilitated by Modi having visited most of these states more than once and having established a close personal rapport with their leaders. This has paid rich political dividends as these countries and India are now on the same page on issues like Islamic terror as borne out by the fact that whereas in the past terrorists from India could hope for safe havens in the region today they are handed over to India. Foreign direct investment from the region to India is on an upward curve. For instance, from 2017 to 2021 it was in excess of $6 billion from the UAE and $3 billion from Saudi Arabia. The icing on the cake is that these improved ties do not come at the cost of our relations with Iran and Israel. Indeed, in 2021 a grouping of Israel, India, US, and UAE ( I2U2) was established with a focus on joint investments and new initiatives in water, energy, transportation, space, health and food security. Under the aegis of the I2U2 there will be many projects like a hybrid 300 megawatts renewable energy project in Gujarat or like integrated food farms across India for which an investment of $2billion has been specifically committed by the UAE.
CLIMATE CHANGE
On climate change, the Modi government’s proactive and multi dimensional strategy has been able to deflect the pressure faced by India as a major gas emitter. While unyielding on the imperative that the developed countries must assist the developing world with finance and technology to reduce emissions it has announced that by 2070 it will be a carbon neutral economy. India in 2022 also upped its intended nationally determined contributions from the 2015 levels by indicating that by 2030 half of its installed electric power capacity would be from renewable energy and that the GDP emission intensity would be reduced by 45% as compared to that in 2005. Furthermore, India took the lead in launching the International Solar Alliance along with France. Above all, Prime Minister Modi in keeping with India’s civilizational values propagated a mass movement designed to promote a healthy and sustainable way of living based on conservation and moderation as a key to combating climate change. This has found a measure of resonance across the globe.
THE MARITIME DIMENSION
The maritime dimensions of Indian foreign policy have only come of age under the Modi government. New concepts to expand regional security and development cooperation among India’s maritime neighbours such as Security and Growth for All in the Region (SAGAR), the Indo Pacific concept and Quad are the more important of these.
SAGAR primarily embraces the Indian Ocean, and the Indian Ocean Rim Association forum has been boosted, as well as an Indian Ocean Dialogue. A trilateral maritime security dialogue between India, Sri Lanka and Maldives at the NSA level has been initiated with concerns about external threats including terrorism and Islamic radicalism in view.
India’s involvement and support for the Indo-Pacific concept extending from the US west coast to the east coast of Africa and the Quad comprising USA, Japan, Australia and India has steadily grown as a reaction to the China threat. Growing India-US defence ties, signing of logistics agreements with the US, Japan and Australia, the expansion of the Malabar exercise to include Japan and Australia, and the new dynamism in India-Australia ties, are also reflective of this. The Quad’s broader agenda, covering critical and emerging technologies, resilient and reliable supply chains, cybersecurity, connectivity, energy etc. serves India’s economic interests, beyond the purely security dimension.
IN CONCLUSION
To conclude, therefore, the Modi government’s bold and imaginative foreign policy has not only fully safeguarded India’s national interest in very difficult times but also greatly enhanced its international standing. The only issue on which it can be legitimately criticized is in regard to media management. With a little effort and imagination it could have negated or at least minimized the negative press that India has been getting particularly in the West.
(Satish Chandra is a retired diplomat and former Deputy National Security Adviser.)
The shift from open warfare to ‘proxy wars’ has made the strategic establishments more vulnerable to ‘covert’ attacks of the enemy, writes D.C. Pathak
Those entrusted with the responsibility of preserving the sovereignty of the State can not do this without first safeguarding national security against external and internal threats.
The foreign policy of a country is the product of national security and economic concerns – in that order – making it incumbent on the political executive to remain fully informed of the security scenario facing the nation amidst an ever-shifting geopolitical horizon.
Building a strong nation requires not only the upgradation of health, education and employment levels but also a conscious effort on the part of the national leadership to make the citizens aware of their duties towards the state – particularly their contribution to national security by way of upholding our defence forces and supporting the effort of the regime to neutralise the ‘covert’ attacks of the enemy on our own soil.
Part IV A of the Constitution of India commends patriotism while setting out the framework of Fundamental Duties.
National leadership is aware that security does not come cheap and therefore willingly provides for a suitable budget, despite financial constraints, for Intelligence agencies on which this function was anchored.
Moreover, in today’s context, the role of National Security Advisor with his Intelligence background has become the prime determinant of international relations because his interaction with his counterparts in all major countries provides the best inputs on geopolitical developments and their significance.
Intelligence liaison among friendly countries has in fact acquired a new-found importance in determining the strategic framework of bilateral and multi-lateral relations.
It is a matter of great satisfaction that Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s security and economic policies reflected in the Delhi Declaration of India’s G20 Presidency demonstrated the soundness of India’s strategy.
Three fundamental principles of security management in present times are that the function of security has to be performed on the authority of the top man of the enterprise, that security is an integral concept since it safeguards the three assets of the organisation – material, manpower and protected information – running through the length and breadth of the corporate body and that the first requisite of the new age leadership upholding ‘knowledge-based decision making’ applies unequivocally to security where any decision had to be based on reliable information of Intelligence value.
A leader of today’s organisation particularly in the strategic sector has to fully understand the nuances of security just as at the national level the Prime Minister – as the chief political executive of the country – was fully seized of the issues of national security.
The security essentially is protection against covert or hidden attacks of the adversary on the assets of the organisation. Terrorism is such an attack designed among other things to cause degradation of strategic and industrial assets of the opponent to weaken the latter. Hence a team of professionally trained hands has to be set up in the organisation to collate and analyse security-related inputs.
In a sensitive enterprise, Vigilance function is built into Security since any sign of vulnerability like addiction, greed for money and promiscuity can make the member a possible target for the ‘unseen’ enemy and has to be taken note of as a ‘personnel security’ issue.
Just as the national security set-up deals with sabotage, subversion and espionage – corresponding respectively to the enemy’s attack on physical assets, manpower and protected information – a sensitive enterprise has to conduct a risk assessment for drawing up an appropriate and comprehensive security framework and infrastructure to provide for physical security, personnel security and information security.
Security is now understood to be not a stand-alone function assigned to a ‘hired’ set-up but a ‘mainstream’ exercise connecting the leadership with the bulk of employees below.
The qualities needed in security management must exist in the leadership that runs the entire organisation – in fact it can be said that security perceptions sharpen that leadership.
A security professional observes what he sees, absorbs what he observes and discreetly translates it into policy formulation. This makes for informed decision-making.
In security management, delegation of authority is necessitated by the fact that the person closer to the ground could be required to take a quick decision about further action and this is a feature a successful leader brings to bear on his or her management style.
Since in the Age of Information, it is mandated that a leader would make decisions on the basis of reliable facts – and not under any notions of personal ‘charisma’ or ‘inherited’ right – it would be essential for the leadership of the enterprise to keep itself updated on the relevant developments outside and within the organisation and be information savvy.
All organisations – whether a business corporate or a public sector entity – embrace human activity and therefore their leaders have to have a good idea of human psyche and behaviour which is something intrinsic to successful security management.
In the sphere of security, the individual is at the centre of all productivity and in business management also, this is considered something pivotal to a successful functioning including the allocation of work to teams.
Again, in the sphere of security, bureaucratic hierarchy is minimally in play because the senior can task the junior persons but he or she has to remain available for any guidance that the team might seek in a difficult situation. This is the kind of boss-subordinate relationship all successful organisations doing brisk business were presently having to promote and practise.
Finally, in a security set-up there is no confusion about credit sharing and the leader of any successful organisation would also see to it that there was no favouritism about granting recognition for good performance. In view of all of this, it is established that experience of security enriches the leadership of the enterprise in terms of the traits that should be emulated and that like in security, inputs on the environment within and outside of the organisation improve the decision-making process.
The shift from open warfare to ‘proxy wars’ has made our strategic establishments more vulnerable to ‘covert’ attacks of the enemy.
The adversary knows that today ‘national security was inseparable from economic security’ and that hitting the economic targets would weaken the opponent. There is an urgent need for all such entities to have a strong security-cum-vigilance set-up manned by professionally trained staff with direct access to the top man of the enterprise. This was already happening but the emphasis now had to be also on the ability of sensitive organisations in the public sector to have a meaningful exchange of information with national Intelligence agencies on the security of their establishment.
It is important to impart a certain amount of security education to All India and Central Civil Services officers during their foundational courses so that they are oriented to the future responsibility of managing the nation’s strategic establishments and handling the work of sensitive ministries.
Khalistan
It is particularly important that people holding classified information in organisations of strategic significance should be under the watchful oversight of the vigilance head so that any sign of vulnerability like alcohol or drug addiction, living beyond means and an unnatural one-on-one friendship with some unconnected person of the opposite gender, is taken note of for further discreet action. In the Indian context, attempts at honey trap are not unknown.
Further, today the citizens at large have to be made aware of their stakes in national security so that they realise the deeper significance of their Fundamental Duties defined in the Constitution.
To safeguard democracy every citizen had a contribution to make towards preserving the sovereignty, integrity and security of India. Even school and college education should provide for a broad brush treatment of the concept of national security.
The mainstreaming of security function is an appropriate response to the fact that we live in an unsafe world and at the level of the nation, the organisation and even the family, the required awareness of the dormant risks in the environment around would always be of great help.
In the times of Prime Minister Modi, security concerns related to both external threats and internal dangers at the national level were being addressed very well. What perhaps needs to happen is that all sensitive organisations in the public and private sectors should also spruce up their security and internal vigil against possible enemy activity.
The covert operations of the adversary ultimately result in action closer to the ground and that is why for dealing with terrorism, illicit drug trade and even surreptitious arms smuggling police and Intelligence watch at local levels had become extremely important – apart from the unearthing of plans of the enemy by national Intelligence agencies.
Liaison of Central organisations with state and district police has become a must for safeguarding national security in a situation where external threats were translating into covert operations of the enemy on our own soil.
Our agencies are working with total awareness of this new trend that has been further strengthened by the use of cyberspace and social media as covert instruments of proxy war.
Leadership at the national level is now greatly dependent on those driving security initiatives because there were new geopolitical developments on one hand and the operational collaboration between the two hostile neighbours of India -China and Pakistan – was becoming stronger, on the other.
(The writer is a former Director of the Intelligence Bureau. Views are personal)
Wang Yi grasped the significance of the two centenary goals, which completely changed the diplomatic conduct of Chinese foreign policy, a report by Atul Aneja
Earlier this week, the world was surprised when Wang Yi returned as China’s foreign minister replacing Qin Gang, who had mysteriously disappeared from public eye since June 25.
By becoming foreign minister as well as the head of the central foreign affairs commission of the Communist Party of China (CPC)—a more powerful and prestigious post than foreign minister—Wang has emerged as China’s powerful foreign policy Czar.
There are three key reasons why Chinese President Xi Jinping reposed his trust in Wang, and not anybody else to handle China’s troubled external relations.
First, Wang arguably has an unrivalled understanding of advancing Chinese foreign policy in Xi Jinping’s so-called “new era.” His track record speaks for itself.
A career diplomat, Wang majored in Japanese from the Beijing International Studies University. At the age of 29, he had joined China’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
Riding on his domain knowledge of Japan, Wang was appointed China’s ambassador in Tokyo from 2004-07.
Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi with his US counterpart Antony Blinken.
He continued to climb the diplomatic ladder, leading the politically sensitive Taiwan Affairs Office from 2008, before his appointment as foreign minister for the first time in 2013. He served on that post without any hiccups till 2022, before being elevated to the powerful post of Director, central foreign affairs commission of the CPC—a position held earlier by the high-profile trouble shooter Yang Jieche. Simultaneously, Wang rose in party ranks. From a member of the Central Committee when he was foreign minister, he was elevated to the more powerful 25-member politburo at the 20th party congress that was held last year.
Second and more importantly, Wang is a diligent practitioner of Xi’s “thought on diplomacy.” Xi’s diplomatic doctrine can be traced to the 19th party congress held in October 2017. During a marathon speech at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing, Xi unveiled the two centenary goals. The first targeted lifting extreme poverty by 2021, in tune with the centenary celebrations of the CPC’s formation in 1921. The second pledged to foist China as the world’s most advanced country in all spheres of human endeavour by 2049, marking 100 years of the formation of the People’s Republic of China in 1949.
Wang grasped the significance of the two centenary goals, which completely changed the diplomatic conduct of Chinese foreign policy. Wang became one of the pioneering practitioners of the China’s assertive engagement with the world, marked by what has been now commonly known as an aggressive Wolf Warrior diplomacy—a term derived from the film Wolf Warrior 2 which became a mega-hit with Chinese audiences, carefully released a few months ahead of the 19th Party Congress.
Xi Jinping delivers an important speech at a ceremony marking the 100th anniversary of the founding of the CPC in Beijing. (Xinhua/Ju Peng/IANS)
In later years, Xi’s thought on diplomacy was fleshed out into two doctrines—the Global Development Initiative (GDI) announced in 2021 and the Global Security Initiative (GSI). Both the doctrines have left no doubt about China’s intent to become the world’ s most powerful country, amplifying the second centenary goal.
Third, President Xi needs a seasoned hand when China is passing through a turbulent post-Covid transition, and faces a busy diplomatic season ahead. The BRICS summit is round the corner next month followed by the G-20 summit in September. It is quite likely that Xi and Joe Biden will summit on the sidelines of APEC in November, completing the cycle of high-level meetings that have begun with the visit to Beijing in June by US Secretary of State Antony Blinken to reboot the currently fractious Beijing-Washington ties.
Over the last nine years, India has taken several far-reaching initiatives both domestically and globally that have significantly enhanced its clout and prestige in the world, writes Ashok Sajjanhar
Prime Minister Narendra Modi will be completing nine years of his tenure next month. He will be delivering the 100th edition of his unique monthly Radio Address to the Nation ‘’Mann ki Baat’’ later this month. It is a suitable juncture to take stock of developments and achievements that the country has registered over this period.
While speaking of foreign policy, it needs to be kept in mind that the policy that a country pursues in the international arena is to a considerable extent determined by developments taking place elsewhere in the world. Not even the strongest powers can have results or outcomes that they desire because of global events over which they have little control. In the recent past we have witnessed how the US, the single most powerful country in the world, had to suffer an ignominious exit from Afghanistan after having been in that country for 20 years to establish peace and security in the country. Also Russia, the second most powerful military in the world has been stopped in its tracks by a much smaller power and country like Ukraine by virtue of the sheer grit and determination of the latter’s leadership, military and people. China, another major power was forced to withdraw in humiliation when it attacked Vietnam, a small and poor country in comparison, to teach it a lesson in February, 1979. It has also been facing the pushback of de-coupling by major powers because of its hostile attitude during the Covid pandemic.
Secondly, foreign policy of a country is a mirror reflection of the country’s domestic economic strength, unity and vitality. It needs no repetition that the reflection can never be brighter than the original. So if a country wishes to command influence in the world, it is imperative for it to have a robust and a strong economy, ensure domestic stability and possess significant military prowess.
Over the last nine years, India has taken several far-reaching initiatives both domestically and globally that have significantly enhanced its clout and prestige in the world. This has been possible due to the bold, clear-sighted and visionary policies pursued by PM Modi’s government, both at home as well as internationally.
Domestic Economic Reforms
On the domestic economic front some of the outstanding policies include implementation of the Goods and Services Tax, Production Linked Incentive Scheme, Insolvency and Bankruptcy Code, Jan Dhan Yojana (Financial Inclusion), Ujjwala yojana (Supply of cooking gas and stoves), Direct Bank Transfer, launch of Aadhar (Digital Identity) scheme, Unified Payment Interface digital payment system, and many others. As a result of several such initiatives, India’s economy jumped from the 10th position to the 5th position from 2014 to 2022, while it had improved marginally from the 11th to 10th position over the previous 10-year period. According to several eminent economists, India which is the fastest growing major economy today, will become the 3rd largest economy after displacing Germany and Japan by the end of this decade or beginning of the next decade. This rapid rise of India’s economy as well as several far-reaching reforms that have been initiated even during the pandemic and the Ukraine conflict have significantly enhanced India’s image and respect in the global community.
Relations with USA
On the foreign policy front, the dynamism and vigor in India’s relations with the US over the last 9 years has transformed the US-India partnership into India’s most consequential relationship. PM Modi has worked with three US Presidents during this period. He has enjoyed warm and friendly relations with all of them. During this period the relationship has touched new heights and continues to expand rapidly. Today the US and India enjoy a comprehensive, global strategic partnership with cooperation encompassing more than 60 themes including education, energy, renewable energy, agriculture, cyber-security, technology, infrastructure, health, critical and emergent technologies, and many more. Both the countries are active members of the Quad. India conducts the highest number of military exercises with the majiUSA. Both countries are assiduously working together for a rule-based international order, a free, open and inclusive Indo-Pacific with freedom of navigation and overflights. President Joe Biden, since his assumption of office in 2021 has provided a huge impetus to the Quad which has emerged as a force for regional and global good. During their interaction on the sidelines of the Quad Summit in Tokyo in May, 2022, PM Modi termed the bilateral relations as a ‘’partnership of trust’’ and Biden said that he was ‘’committed to making the U.S.-India partnership among the closest we have on Earth.’’ President Biden is scheduled to visit India for the G20 Summit in September, 2023. The increasingly assertive and expansionist actions of China in recent years have brought India and USA closer together in an attempt to balance China so that it emerges as a rule-abiding global player.
Relations with West Asia/Middle East
One of the most significant achievements of Modi’s tenure is the significant energy imparted and diversification of India’s relations with West Asia/Middle East. Today, the Gulf is an integral part of India’s ‘extended neighbourhood’, both by way of geographical proximity and as an area of expanded interests and growing Indian influence. Historic maritime and cultural links have developed into strong relationships of ‘energy, expatriates and economy’. India is dependent on the six Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states for 42 per cent of its overall oil imports. Qatar is also India’s dominant supplier of Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG). Any disruption in energy imports from the Gulf will have serious implications for India’s economic growth. Indian nationals make up the Gulf states’ largest expatriate community, with an estimated 8 million plus Indian nationals living and working in the region. The safety and security of these Indian nationals is a key priority for the Modi government. The GCC is also India’s largest regional-bloc trading partner. The figure is higher than both India–ASEAN trade and India–EU trade. The GCC has also been providing over 50% of India’s total annual inward remittances. India recently signed an ambitious FTA with the UAE. UAE was the first Gulf Country PM Modi visited in August 2015, making it the first visit by an Indian prime minister to the UAE in 34 years. The two sides set a target of $75 billion for UAE investments into India’s infrastructure development, spanning ports, airports, highways and construction, as well as petrochemical projects. Relations in traditional areas have been supplemented through diversification in recent years into security and defence cooperation. India today has a strong and growing stake in Gulf stability. This includes ‘strategic partnerships’ with Gulf countries on issues such as counter-terrorism, money laundering, cyber security, organized crime, human trafficking and anti-piracy. Several countries in the Middle East/West Asia including Saudi Arabia, UAE, Bahrain and Palestine have decorated PM Modi with their highest national Awards. India’s growing relations with these countries has had the added benefit of significantly reducing their support for Pakistan, particularly on India-Pakistan issues.
Rapidly expanding relations with West Asia have moved in tandem with a sharp upswing in ties with Israel as well as de-hyphenation of India’s relations with Israel and Palestine. PM Modi’s visit to Israel in 2017, the first ever by an Indian Prime Minister, provided a huge impetus to bilateral ties across the board. The I2U2 (India, Israel, USA, UAE) Initiative is helping India to straddle the earlier chasm between Israel and the Gulf nations.
‘’Neighbourhood First’’ Policy
In addition to these strides in advancing India’s security, strategic and economic interests, relations with most of India’s neighbours have shown considerable improvement under the ‘’Neighbourhood First’’ policy espoused by PM Modi at the beginning of his first tenure. In all his pronouncements, PM Modi has sought to make India’s neighbours active partners and stakeholders in its development and prosperity, encouraging them to take full advantage of India’s successes.
Relations with Bangladesh are better today than they have ever been since 1975. The unanimous ratification of Land Boundary Agreement and highly fruitful visits by Modi to Dhaka in June 2015, and March 2021, and Sheikh Hasina to New Delhi in April 2017, October 2019 and September 2022 provided significant fillip to bilateral partnership. Several agreements on connectivity and economic cooperation have lifted bilateral ties to new heights.
PM Modi’s first visit to Nepal in August 2014, which turned out to be the first bilateral visit by an Indian Prime Minister to this country after a gap of 17 years was a huge success. PM Modi announced that India would like to work towards making Nepal a developed country by harnessing its resources to produce hydro-electric power which it would purchase from Nepal at market prices. Soon thereafter, the Indian Government responded with exemplary swiftness to provide relief and medical care to the victims of the 7.9 Richter intensity earthquake that struck Nepal on 25th April, 2015 causing countless deaths and huge destruction. PM Modi’s visit to Nepal was preceded by the visit of EAM Sushma Swaraj for the Meeting of the Joint Economic Commission which was convened after a gap of 23 years. Since his first visit, PM Modi made four subsequent visits, 2 bilateral, one each to Janakpur (May, 2018) and Lumbini (May, 2022), and two multilateral, one for the SAARC Summit (November, 2014) and the second for the BIMSTEC Summit (August, 2018). All these visits helped to provide fresh dynamism and energy to the bilateral partnership. There was a short period of turbulence in bilateral ties during the tenure of Nepalese PM KP Sharma Oli who resorted to hyper-nationalism and made untenable demands on Indian territory to stay in power. However, relations have stabilized and are on a steady upward trajectory after Oli was deposed from power by the Nepalese Supreme Court in July, 2021.
PM Modi’s ‘’Samudra Yatra’’ which took him to Sri Lanka in 2015, as the first bilateral visit by an Indian PM after a gap of 28 years, was a resounding success. He was able to reach out to all segments of local society and communities and emphasize India’s interest in the integrity, sovereignty, stability, security and prosperity of Sri Lanka. India’s generous support in recent months amounting to around $4 billion and timely supplies of urgently needed food, fuel, fertilizers, medicines and other daily use commodities have gone a long way to establish trust between the people and leadership of the two countries, notwithstanding the tilt towards China that was evident for some years.,
In relations with Pakistan, India has given out a firm and clear message that no Talks will take place between the two countries unless cross-border terrorism by Pakistan stops. By firmly responding through surgical strikes to the Uri attack in September, 2016 and by the Balakot strike after the Pulwama terror action in February, 2019, India has categorically informed Pakistan that it will have to face retribution for any terrorist actions it carries out against India. By revoking Art 370 relating to the Special status of Kashmir in August, 2019, India has done away with any role that Pakistan might have assumed for itself in the Kashmir issue. India has made it clear that the only unfinished agenda wrt Kashmir is the return to India of the part of Kashmir illegally occupied by Pakistan.
On Afghanistan, India provided financial support and investment of $3 billion in food items, medicines, projects and infrastructure till the US forces were stationed in the country. All the Indian personnel in its Embassy were recalled to India immediately after the Taliban took over in Kabul in August, 2021. Notwithstanding the fact that India does not have a diplomatic presence in Afghanistan and India has not granted political recognition to the Taliban regime (no country has recognized the Taliban regime even after 20 months of their taking over), India has continued to supply wheat, medicines and other humanitarian assistance to the people of Afghanistan. Taliban is very keen that India reopens its Embassy in Kabul. India has deputed a Technical Team in Kabul to oversee the distribution of its assistance. India is pursuing a step-by-step approach in engaging with the Taliban. But it has not let its guard down as Afghanistan and Pakistan continue to host a large number of terrorist groups which they could activate at any time.
Relations with Maldives witnessed a sea change and registered a rapid upward trajectory in ties with India when the government of former President Abdulla Yameen was defeated and Ibrahim Solih assumed power in September, 2018. Bilateral relations have continued to grow and expand over the last four and a half years.
From the above it is clear that barring Pakistan and Afghanistan, India’s relations with all other SAARC members are significantly better today than they were in 2014.
New Delhi, Mar 19 (ANI): Prime Minister Narendra Modi with Japanese counterpart Fumio Kishida arrives at Hyderabad House, in New Delhi on Saturday. (ANI Photo/Mohd Zakir)
Relations with Japan and Australia
India’s relations with Japan and Australia have witnessed a momentous jump. This is reflected in the conclusion of the civilian nuclear deals by India with both these countries, with Japan in December, 2015 and with Australia in September, 2014. The three countries also entered into a Supply Chain Resilience Initiative in April, 2021 during the Covid-19 pandemic on account of the weaponization of Supply Chains by China. Several initiatives have been launched between India and Japan and Australia in recent years to advance the relations in political, strategic, economic, commercial and defence arenas. Japanese PM Fumio Kishida’s visit to India in March, 2023 to proclaim his New Vision for the Indo-Pacific provided a fresh impetus to bilateral ties. Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese declared India to be a ‘’top tier’’ security partner during his visit to India in March, 2023. PM Modi is scheduled to visit Hiroshima, Japan in May, 2023 for the G7 Summit, and Sydney, Australia in mid-2023 for the Quad Summit.
Vaccine Maitri Initiative
The leadership displayed by India in dealing with the Covid-19 pandemic in terms of its health, economic and social impact has won it huge praise and respect from the world. That it was able to initiate far-reaching economic reforms and rapid digitization of its economy even during the pandemic has earned it kudos from the global community. The world was hugely impressed that India not only emerged as the Vaccine Capital of the world by producing huge quantities of vaccines but also by making and manufacturing indigenous vaccines. That it has been able to seamlessly administer 2.2 billion doses of vaccines to its people is a huge achievement that has been taken note of the world over. In addition to the above successes, India emerged as one of the few countries to share about 300 million vaccines with more than 100 countries, many of them on gratis basis. This compassionate and generous attitude particularly towards the developing countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America, who were denied access to the vaccines has been highly appreciated and has helped to significantly enhance India’s stature in the world. The world has realized that India’s development and growth is good not only for its own people but the whole world, particularly the developing countries.
India will work to promote universal sense of one-ness as G20 President: PM.(photo:Twitter)
India’s G20 Presidency
India’s G20 Presidency during the current year has come as a shot in the arm to share its ethos of ‘’Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam’’ with the world. This has been enshrined in the motto of its Presidency as ‘’One Earth, One Family, One Future.’’ Taking into account the time at which India has assumed the Presidency of the G20, a huge responsibility has fallen on its shoulders. There is growing uncertainty and turbulence in global politics and economics due to the continuing adverse health, economic and social effects of the pandemic, and shortages of food, fuel and fertilizers, supply chain disruptions, rising inflation and increasing debt, particularly for the developing countries, on account of the Ukraine conflict. The world has high expectations of India as it is one of the few major countries which has cordial relations with Russia as well as with the West and Ukraine. India had played a critical role in proposing a language at the G20 Bali Summit as a result of which a consensus Bali Declaration could be forged. Polarization between the West on one side and Russia and China on the other has grown in the intervening period which has made the task of arriving at an agreed Text at the G20 Summit in September, 2023 even more difficult.
India is handling its G20 Presidency very differently from the preceding countries. Realizing that no decisions by the G20 nations would be viable or sustainable in the absence of support of the large number of developing countries in Asia, Africa and Latin America who are not a part of the process, India organized a Voice of the Global South Summit in January, 2023 to seek their views, concerns and suggestions for incorporating into the G20 deliberations. About 125 countries participated and shared their thoughts.
In addition, India is organizing more than 200 meetings under the aegis of the G20 in 59 cities of the country ranging from Thiruvananthapuram to Srinagar and from Gandhinagar to Itanagar. This is providing an opportunity to the foreign delegates to get exposed to the richness, variety and diversity of Indian culture and civilization and also make the G20 into a jan bhagidari andolan (people’s movement) in India so that the ordinary people also get engaged and start understanding and appreciating the challenges and opportunities of crafting the country’s foreign policy.
Russia-Ukraine Conflict
India and Russia enjoy a long-standing and time-tested special and privileged strategic partnership with each other. This relationship came under stress as a result of pressure from the West to adopt a clear stand and condemn Russia for its attack on Ukraine in February, 2022. India took a balanced and principled position by abstaining on most of the Resolutions in the UN Security Council and General Assembly and advocating the path of peace, diplomacy and dialogue. Keeping its own strategic national interests in view and its historical defence relations and dependence on the Soviet Union/Russia for its defence supplies, India has continued to maintain normal relations with Russia. In view of the huge spurt in energy prices on account of the Ukraine conflict and to safeguard its energy security interests, India significantly enhanced its imports of crude oil from Russia. As a result of the unimpeachable logic and spirited defence of its policies, the western nations including the US and Europe have come to grudgingly accept and respect, if not exactly applaud, India’s approach to the conflict. India has continued to maintain amiable relations with Ukraine by supplying it ten consignments of humanitarian aid including medical supplies and equipment. In all its statements at the various international fora including the UNSC and UNGA, India has clearly spoken out in favor of safeguarding the principles of the UN Charter and protecting the sovereignty and territorial integrity of States. The increasing camaraderie of Russia and China and increasing emergence of Russia as a subordinate partner of China could force India to reassess its relations with Russia. The visit of Ukrainian First Deputy Foreign Minister Emine Zhaparova to India on 10-12 April, 2023 has helped promote understanding and cooperation between India and Ukraine.
Mirzapur (Uttar Peadesh): Prime Minister Narendra Modi and French President Emmanuel Macron at the inauguration of the Solar Power Plant in Mirzapur, Uttar Pradesh on March 12, 2018. (Photo: IANS/PIB)
Europe
India’s relations with European nations including UK, France, Germany, Italy, Portugal and several others have shown a strong uptick. India also resumed negotiations for FTAs on Trade, Investment and Geographical Indications with the European Union in May, 2021. India also launched the India-Nordic Summit to take full advantage of the innovation, manufacturing and climate preservation strengths of these countries.
Outreach to Indian Diaspora, Smaller Countries
In addition to the above momentous changes and initiatives by PM Modi over the last 9 years, several other policies have been launched to enhance India’s engagement with the outside world to the benefit and advantage of India. One of the most important in this is reaching out to the Indian diaspora in different parts of the world. Starting with his visit to the US in September 2014 and addressing a huge Indian origin crowd at the Madison Square Garden, PM Modi (and his Ministers) have spoken to huge, enthusiastic crowds in all parts of the world. The Indian diaspora has been transformed into an active instrument of strengthening India’s strategic and economic cooperation with its important partners and becoming a vibrant catalyst for economic development and growth of India.
PM Modi and his Ministers have reached out to many relatively smaller countries around the globe including the Pacific Island nations, in Africa, Europe, Latin America etc. to strengthen bilateral political and economic ties. India decided to open new embassies in 18 African countries, Paraguay, Dominican Republic, Estonia, Lithuania and several more to expand India’s footprint and relations with countries which have thus far not been very prominent on India’s diplomatic radar scene.
On the multilateral front, India successfully launched the International Solar Alliance(ISA) and the Coalition for Disaster Resilient Infrastructure Initiative. More than 100 countries have joined the ISA. India also became a member of 3 Non-Proliferation Export Control Regimes viz the Australia Group (AG); the Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR); and the Wassenaar Arrangement (WA), and is continuing its efforts for the Membership of the Nuclear Suppliers Group which has been delayed due to opposition by China.
India’s Act East Policy and its enhanced engagement with Central Asia, ASEAN, Republic of Korea are yielding positive results.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Chinese President Xi Jinping inside a house boat, in Wuhan. (Photo IANS_PIB)
Relations with China
In the first few years of his tenure, PM Modi made every effort to have a warm, cordial relationship with China. These attempts however received a rude shock, first with the 73-day standoff in 2017 in Doklam, and then more definitively in April 2020 when China amassed large numbers of troops and military equipment on the Line of Actual Control in Eastern Ladakh in violation of the Agreements on Confidence Building Measures signed by it with India in 1993, 1996, 2005, 2012 and 2013. This Chinese action precipitated in a skirmish in June, 2020 resulting in the martyrdom of 20 Indian soldiers and the death of an undeclared number of Chinese soldiers. For the last three winters, Indian and Chinese soldiers have been stationed on the heights in Eastern Ladakh facing each other. India has made it clear that relations will not be restored to normalcy unless the status quo-ante of April, 2020 is restored. While progress on de-escalation and disengagement has taken place in a few sectors, forward deployment still continues in Depsang and Demchok areas. India has also taken several measures to dilute its economic engagement with China with mixed results.
Conclusion
Bold, courageous and visionary leadership of Prime Minister Modi has helped the country to deftly navigate the myriad challenges confronting it and to effectively leverage the huge opportunities available to promote India’s political, security, strategic and economic interests. In advancing India’s views and thoughts, PM Modi has been actively supported by his Ministers, Sushma Swaraj from 2014 till 2019, and Dr S Jaishankar from 2019 till now.
Over the last 9 years, the United States has emerged as the most significant partner for India and China its most formidable challenge. The success of PM Modi’s and India’s foreign policy in the coming years will depend on how effectively India is able expand and deepen its multi-faceted relations with the US and other partners, and safeguard and protect its interests and concerns with China. India’s positive and beneficial relations with Japan, Australia, Europe, Africa and other countries can be expected to help it achieve its objectives.
Macron acknowledged that the United States is an ally, but warned that “we do not want to depend on it”, reports Asian Lite News
France must stick to an independent foreign policy and build more balanced partnerships for multi-lateralism, President Emmanuel Macron said during an ambassadors’ conference.
In recent years, there were many unpredictable incidents including the Covid-19 pandemic and the Russia-Ukraine war, he told the diplomats, adding that France alone does not have the means to resolve these crises, Xinhua news agency reported on Saturday.
Its interest is therefore to “build more and more balanced, equal, bilateral and regional partnerships”, Macron said.
The President said he aims to form a “stronger, more influential, more independent” France, and keep the country as a “balancing power” that builds peace and stability.
Speaking of European strategic autonomy, Macron told the French diplomats that the idea has become widespread across Europe.
“Above all, we have acted together, built a stronger Europe of defence, brick by brick. We have done so multilaterally and bilaterally. We have strengthened this European Union.
US President Joe Biden and French President Emmanuel Macron (Credit twitter @POTUS)
“It is indeed our independence that we are strengthening and consolidating. It is this same desire for independence that I also want at the geopolitical level,” he said, adding that Europe is “more and more autonomous”.
Macron acknowledged that the United States is an ally, but warned that “we do not want to depend on it”.
“France and Europe must therefore build this independence, which is also geopolitical. We do not have to be asked to choose how to guide our policy.”
Macron also said that France’s foreign policy aims to continue to build an effective multi-lateralism.
He said that France should multiply efforts in multi-lateralism, especially in public health, climate change and biodiversity.
For public health, Macron highlighted “the usefulness of international health cooperation” through the World Health Organization.
“I think our role should be to consolidate the World Health Organization as the bedrock of a useful multilateral institution. We absolutely must consolidate the principles of information sharing, transparency and scientific independence,” he noted.
Macron also highlighted the importance of multi-lateralism on climate change and biodiversity.
French President Emmanuel Macron
“For several years, it has been at the heart of our diplomatic action and our diplomatic successes,” he said.
In order to achieve the Paris Agreement, France should “convince our major partners among the developed countries, within the framework of the OECD (Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development), to make maximum emissions commitments per capita”, he said.
But “in the same logic of fair distribution of effort,” developing countries “must be able to find financing agreements for the energy transition in our common interest and on terms that are less costly than in developed countries”, Macron noted.
“We cannot ask emerging countries to move faster and to make the choice between development and climate, with financing conditions that are much harsher than in our country.”
Al Ansari Exchange sees a surge in non-resident transactions in the first 10 days of Expo 2020…reports Asian Lite News
Al Ansari Exchange, the UAE-based foreign exchange and worldwide money transfer company, reported a surge in its foreign currency exchange transactions made by non-residents during the first 10 days of October 2021, coinciding with the start of Dubai Expo 2020. According to the company’s report, the number of visitors, or non-residents of the UAE, who purchased foreign currencies during the first 10 days of this month went up by 69% compared to the same period in September 2021.
Rashed A. Al Ansari, CEO of Al Ansari Exchange
Furthermore, these types of transactions soared higher than the pre-pandemic days. Al Ansari Exchange revealed a significant increase of 9% in the number of foreign currency purchase transactions by non-residents during the first 10 days of October 2021 in comparison to the same period in October 2019.
RASHED A. AL ANSARI, CEO, AL ANSARI EXCHANGE: “The available data demonstrates that the currency exchange sector in the UAE has already begun to experience the positive impact of Dubai Expo 2020, enabling the industry to better position itself for a stronger comeback from the pandemic. Apart from the Expo, other factors such as the resumption of flights especially from India and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, return of in-person conferences and events, and growing economic activities in the country also played a major role in the growth of money exchange transactions. The figures we released only cover the first 10 days of this month. We project exponential growth in the coming months leading up to the holiday season and the conclusion of the premier world exposition in Dubai in 2022. The strong performance also falls in line with the latest statement by H.H. Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan, Crown Prince of Abu Dhabi and Deputy Supreme Commander of the UAE confirming that the country has overcome the pandemic and is now returning to normalcy.”
Al Ansari Exchange accounts for over 36% of the local market share, the company conducts at least 120,000 transactions per day and caters to the needs of more than 3 million customers monthly.
While the Oli government made a bungle, the Deuba government has not done any good with regard to the boundary issue with China,said experts…reports Asian Lite News
Irrespective of which party is running the government, China’s footprints have continuously grown in Nepal in the last few years, exposing the Himalayan nation’s unstable foreign policy.
Anil Giri, writing in The Kathmandu Post, said that governments in Nepal function based on the orientation of the party that is leading and when foreign policy matters are concerned, the Nepali state is confused.
Last year in September, reports surfaced that the Chinese side had built 11 buildings in a remote part of Humla district that Nepal claims as its own territory. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs was quick to say that there were no disputes, reported The Kathmandu Post.
“The Department of Survey, based on official records, reports of the joint field inspection and boundary maps, has verified and confirmed that the said buildings are not located within the Nepali territory,” read the statement.
The government then was led by KP Sharma Oli, who now heads the CPN-UML. Oli was replaced by Nepali Congress’ Sher Bahadur Deuba on July 13. Deuba is mainly backed by the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist Centre), which until March this year as part of the Oli government.
When it comes to relations with neighbours, a studied approach that is above partisan interests is required, and both Oli and Deuba have bungled, analysts say.
On Wednesday, Deuba formed a five-member team to “study” the boundary dispute with China. The team is headed by a joint secretary at the Ministry of Home Affairs. Neither the name of the joint secretary nor the terms of reference have been finalised yet, says Giri.
While the Oli government made a bungle, the Deuba government has not done any good with regard to the boundary issue with China, according to experts.
“Pradeep Gyawali, who was foreign minister [when the boundary row surfaced] should not have dismissed the issue in haste when an elected member raised the issue pertaining to Namkha Rural Municipality,” said Toyanath Baral, former Director General at the Department of Survey. “The then government should have dispatched a technical team or made public the report prepared by the chief district officer of Humla.”
China blames US for Afghan crisis
Jeevan Bahadur Shahi, a member of the Karnali Provincial Assembly, after a field trip, had prepared a report, saying Pillar Nos. 9, 10, 11, 12, 5 (1), 6 (1), 7 (1) and 8 (1) were damaged in Humla district, which borders China.
Shahi had also claimed that Pillar No. 12 was replaced by the Chinese side; as a result, a large swathe of Nepali land had slipped into the Chinese side. Shahi’s report, however, was not owned by the government, reported The Kathmandu Post.
The Home Ministry instead formed a team under Chirinjivi Giri, chief district officer of Humla, to look into the matter and prepare a report. The report was never made public. The Foreign Ministry’s hasty statement dismissing any border dispute with the north is believed to have been issued to not irritate China, said Anil Giri.
Nepal and China had prepared a digital boundary map in 2005-6 but it could not be signed due to a dispute over the height of Mt Everest and one missing pillar in Rasuwa, according to Toyanath Baral, former Director-General at the Department of Survey, reported The Kathmandu Post.
“Since 1989 we have not signed any boundary protocol with China,” said Baral. “It seems that the Deuba government made the decision in a hurry. I don’t know whether the current government even examined the archives and other details before forming the panel.” (ANI)
