May 4, 2023
3 mins read

China expands policing overseas to target its nationals

This illegal and extra-judicial international security apparatus has its network in about 53 countries…reports Asian Lite News

China employs its overseas policing mechanism to target Chinese nationals, reported Indo-Pacific Center for Strategic Communications (IPCSC).

This illegal and extra-judicial international security apparatus – 102 Chinese Overseas Police Stations (COPS) –has its network in about 53 countries. These police stations are run as annexes under the control of the police organizations of the Chinese cities of Nantong, Wenzhou, Qingtian and Fuzhou. They are spread across all habitable continents and, in addition to countries subject to Chinese economic and political influence in South America and Africa, they are also present in countries such as Australia, Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, New Zealand, Russia, South Korea, UAE, UK and US, reported IPCSC.

COPS are staffed by heterogenous groups from former police officials to high-ranking members of the diaspora without any position. Local diaspora not directly linked with COPS are used as informants and foot soldiers from time to time.

Outwardly, they function through informal locations including local shops, restaurants, malls or apartments and also from external representation like small law firms or business associations and cultural entities having no direct link to the Chinese Embassy.

However, the hierarchy of a Centre-level Station, Service Stations and Liaison Posts is well established. These are headed by leaders of the overseas Chinese community who are loyal to the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), reported IPCSC.

The COPS are overtly set up on the pretext of offering administrative services to overseas Chinese, much like consulates but lesser in scope and informal. However, their functions could include intelligence gathering and influence operations including scoping for international talent and recruitment, safeguarding BRI projects and employees (as in Pakistan) and exerting cultural and racial influence on overseas Chinese.

Some of these COPS are run with tacit consent and in certain cases such as Italy and Myanmar active cooperation of the host nation. Extradition treaties and Policing Cooperation Agreements form the statutory basis for the presence and activities of Chinese operatives in the host country, reported IPCSC.

However, the COPS process does not have the patience required for treaties and agreements to play out and, invariably, activities quickly take the form of passport cancellations leading to deportation, blackmail, kidnappings and in some cases even assassinations. The success of this enterprise has been tangible with 230 returnees in 2008-2009, 230 arrests in 2015, 283 in 2016, about 10000 returns as part of Operation Fox Hunt (official figures), 22 Kidnappings including in UAE and Australia, 395 Uyghurs repatriated, 2,30,000 people returned to China in case of the telecom fraud manhunt.

Assassinations, kidnappings and involuntary returns are driven by emotional blackmail. The phone call from your loved ones in China would highlight an alleged infraction of the law as an illegal, disloyal or treasonous act committed by you and bemoan about the shame as well as social and civic ostracisation that the extended family is enduring as a result of it. The pleading voice on the other end will request you to return to China and subject yourself to the law to make things right.

Concepts of sovereignty, legal jurisdiction, human rights and the due process lay prostrate in front of the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) notions of self-aggrandisation and sense of justice, reported IPCSC.

According to Li Gongjing, a Shanghai police officer, who has been a part of China’s involuntary return initiatives, you will invariably be persuaded to return to China after a twenty minutes conversation with your uninvited Chinese guests – about 57 per cent has. (ANI)

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Pakistan Risks Overstretching Itself in Yemen War

Pakistan’s expanding military role in Saudi Arabia amid the Yemen conflict could strain its defence resources and fragile finances…reports Asian Lite News Desk Pakistan’s military involvement in the war in Yemen may prove unsustainable because of mounting financial pressures and competing security demands, according to a new report. Islamabad’s growing military presence in Saudi Arabia risks stretching its defence resources while exposing the country to greater strategic and economic challenges. An article by Andrew Wilson in One World Outlook describes Pakistan’s involvement as a case of “fiscal and strategic overreach”, arguing that the country lacks the financial flexibility to sustain an expanded military commitment. Pakistan’s external finances depend heavily on an International Monetary Fund (IMF) programme, financial support from Gulf countries and remittances from Pakistani workers in the region. The report argues that deeper military involvement in the conflict could place additional pressure on these sources of financial stability. It also warns that deploying troops and military equipment abroad could weaken Pakistan’s capacity to address security challenges along its eastern border and deal with two domestic insurgencies. The move could also draw Islamabad into a conflict it has sought to approach cautiously. A Reuters report in May, citing Pakistani security and government sources, said Islamabad had deployed around 8,000 troops, a squadron of approximately 16 aircraft, mostly JF-17 fighter jets, two drone squadrons and a Chinese HQ-9 air-defence battery to Saudi Arabia. According to those sources, Riyadh was financing the deployment, with Pakistani personnel operating the equipment. The sources also said a confidential agreement contemplated the possibility of deploying up to 80,000 troops. Islamabad has not confirmed those figures, although it has acknowledged its military presence in Saudi Arabia, including the deployment of fighter jets at King Abdulaziz Air Base from April. The One World Outlook article argues that Saudi financial support can cover allowances and operating expenses but cannot easily replace military equipment needed elsewhere or resolve the political and strategic challenges of participating in the Yemen conflict. Pakistan’s defence budget is another concern. For the 2026-27 financial year, the federal government allocated PKR 3 trillion, or approximately $10.8 billion, to defence services. The allocation represents an 18 per cent increase from the original PKR 2.55 trillion provision and amounts to around 2.1 per cent of projected gross domestic product (GDP). Defence spending accounts for approximately 16 per cent of the federal government’s PKR 18.8 trillion expenditure. Military pensions are budgeted separately at PKR 822 billion, while debt servicing costs stand at approximately PKR 8 trillion, more than two-and-a-half times the defence allocation. The report argues that these competing financial obligations leave little room for additional military expenditure without placing further pressure on public finances. Pakistan’s reliance on IMF assistance also limits its fiscal flexibility. The country must meet the conditions attached to the programme, including a primary budget surplus target of 2 per cent of GDP and continued restraint on development spending. According to the article, these requirements make it difficult for Islamabad to finance an additional military commitment without compromising other budgetary priorities. Pakistan’s economic indicators offer limited reassurance. Economic growth for the 2025-26 financial year is estimated at between 3.6 and 3.7 per cent, while inflation reached approximately 10.3 per cent in September following an energy price shock. Foreign exchange reserves stood at around $21.5 billion at the end of September. Although this marks an improvement from the low levels recorded in 2023, the report notes that the reserves cover only a few months of imports. Financial assistance from Gulf partners remains central to Pakistan’s external stability. The article says Islamabad holds approximately $8 billion in Saudi deposits at its central bank. In July, the State Bank of Pakistan said Riyadh had extended the maturity of $5 billion in deposits to December 2028, easing the country’s immediate external financing requirements. A further $3 billion deposit was also extended in the spring. However, the article argues that these arrangements provide temporary relief rather than long-term financial independence, particularly as regional conflict threatens the stability of the Gulf economies on which Pakistan relies. The report concludes that Pakistan faces a difficult balance between supporting Saudi Arabia militarily and preserving the financial and military resources needed to address its domestic and regional challenges.

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