July 28, 2024
4 mins read

US panel reviews CCP’s drug-trade based money-laundering

During the session held on Wednesday, several negative aspects of CCP bypassing law enforcement and the banking system in the US were discussed….reports Asian Lite News

The US-based Select Committee on the Chinese Communist Party’s (SCCCP) Fentanyl Policy Working Group (FPWG) recently concluded its session, discussing the ‘tactics’ used by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) to facilitate drug trade-based money-laundering into the US and the measures to counter it.

The session was headed by US lawmakers Jake Auchincloss and Dan Newhouse. Former members of Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) and the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) participated in the event.

During the session held on Wednesday, several negative aspects of CCP bypassing law enforcement and the banking system in the US were discussed.

These tactics are allegedly being used to support and flourish the drug trade in the US. The session also highlighted a crucial demand for renovation in the current system to compete and counter the CCPs shady tactics to bypass the law.

US lawmaker Dan Newhouse in his statement during the session highlighted that how money launders in China use modern technologies and the opaque nature of the Chinese banking system to move large sums of money with impunity.

“Chinese money-launderers have taken terrorist money-laundering playbook and digitized it. They use modern technologies, messaging and payment apps, e-commerce sites, digital assets, and the opaque nature of the Chinese banking system to move large sums of money and facilitate trade-based money laundering with impunity,” Newshouse said.

“This system largely evades the formal banking system in the United States Mexico and elsewhere, making it particularly difficult to counter with traditional anti-money-laundering tools. But you should make no mistake, the CCP financing system runs right through Chinese banks, and the CCP knows all about it,” he added.

Newhouse also stated that the Beijing’s “illicit financing” of the fentanyl trade is state-sponsored in China, and state actors protect these organizations from US prosecution and the elites in China often use these networks to enrich themselves. He also recommended special steps be taken to repair these discrepancies.

During the meeting, Don Im a former member of the DEA explained with an example how the drug trade expanded by the CCP uses an elaborate system to launder money from the US to China.

Im mentioned, “They call it a contract. Let’s assume that the Sinaloa cartel just sold USD 1 million worth of fentanyl and methamphetamine in Queens, New York. The head of that drug sale in Queens will contact his superior in Mexico. The Sinaloa cartel financier in Mexico will then reach out to various Chinese-Mexican businessmen who operate as money launderers and money brokers. They own businesses. They own shopping malls. They sell all kinds of products, namely from China.”

His remarks further underscored how the money generated by drug sales in the US is passed through various channels and reaches China.

Im also elaborated on the scale of the ongoing illicit trade in the US and said it bypasses Washington’s ability to find the nexus making the situation more challenging.

“You’re seeing literally half a trillion to three-quarters of a trillion dollars’ worth of drug proceeds generated every year. So this bypasses our ability to find that nexus between the drug proceeds in New York with those commodities that are shipped into Mexico. That makes it more challenging,” he added.

Another member of the session, John Cassara a former CIA agent in his statement said that Chinese money launderers completely avoid US’ primary anti-money laundering countermeasures and financial intelligence.

“One of the things that makes this so difficult for US criminal investigators is that it almost completely avoids our primary anti-money laundering countermeasures and financial intelligence. There’s no paper trail to follow. And that’s what we’ve been relying on so much to fight this war against money laundering. We don’t have that kind of record because they successfully bypass it. We don’t have that kind of record because they successfully bypass it,” he stated.

He added, “The CCP is an ideological, military, economic, commercial, high-tech, intelligence, and diplomatic rival of the US and the West. And while these threats are known, the CCP’s involvement with transnational crime and money laundering is not. We cannot look at the fentanyl issue in a vacuum or as an isolated concern”.

Cassara further alleged that criminal activity has seemingly become part of the CCP’s “overall strategy to grow its power.”

“By measuring the illicit proceeds of crime generated, China leads the world in all of those criminal categories,” he added. (ANI)

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Pakistan Risks Overstretching Itself in Yemen War

Pakistan’s expanding military role in Saudi Arabia amid the Yemen conflict could strain its defence resources and fragile finances…reports Asian Lite News Desk Pakistan’s military involvement in the war in Yemen may prove unsustainable because of mounting financial pressures and competing security demands, according to a new report. Islamabad’s growing military presence in Saudi Arabia risks stretching its defence resources while exposing the country to greater strategic and economic challenges. An article by Andrew Wilson in One World Outlook describes Pakistan’s involvement as a case of “fiscal and strategic overreach”, arguing that the country lacks the financial flexibility to sustain an expanded military commitment. Pakistan’s external finances depend heavily on an International Monetary Fund (IMF) programme, financial support from Gulf countries and remittances from Pakistani workers in the region. The report argues that deeper military involvement in the conflict could place additional pressure on these sources of financial stability. It also warns that deploying troops and military equipment abroad could weaken Pakistan’s capacity to address security challenges along its eastern border and deal with two domestic insurgencies. The move could also draw Islamabad into a conflict it has sought to approach cautiously. A Reuters report in May, citing Pakistani security and government sources, said Islamabad had deployed around 8,000 troops, a squadron of approximately 16 aircraft, mostly JF-17 fighter jets, two drone squadrons and a Chinese HQ-9 air-defence battery to Saudi Arabia. According to those sources, Riyadh was financing the deployment, with Pakistani personnel operating the equipment. The sources also said a confidential agreement contemplated the possibility of deploying up to 80,000 troops. Islamabad has not confirmed those figures, although it has acknowledged its military presence in Saudi Arabia, including the deployment of fighter jets at King Abdulaziz Air Base from April. The One World Outlook article argues that Saudi financial support can cover allowances and operating expenses but cannot easily replace military equipment needed elsewhere or resolve the political and strategic challenges of participating in the Yemen conflict. Pakistan’s defence budget is another concern. For the 2026-27 financial year, the federal government allocated PKR 3 trillion, or approximately $10.8 billion, to defence services. The allocation represents an 18 per cent increase from the original PKR 2.55 trillion provision and amounts to around 2.1 per cent of projected gross domestic product (GDP). Defence spending accounts for approximately 16 per cent of the federal government’s PKR 18.8 trillion expenditure. Military pensions are budgeted separately at PKR 822 billion, while debt servicing costs stand at approximately PKR 8 trillion, more than two-and-a-half times the defence allocation. The report argues that these competing financial obligations leave little room for additional military expenditure without placing further pressure on public finances. Pakistan’s reliance on IMF assistance also limits its fiscal flexibility. The country must meet the conditions attached to the programme, including a primary budget surplus target of 2 per cent of GDP and continued restraint on development spending. According to the article, these requirements make it difficult for Islamabad to finance an additional military commitment without compromising other budgetary priorities. Pakistan’s economic indicators offer limited reassurance. Economic growth for the 2025-26 financial year is estimated at between 3.6 and 3.7 per cent, while inflation reached approximately 10.3 per cent in September following an energy price shock. Foreign exchange reserves stood at around $21.5 billion at the end of September. Although this marks an improvement from the low levels recorded in 2023, the report notes that the reserves cover only a few months of imports. Financial assistance from Gulf partners remains central to Pakistan’s external stability. The article says Islamabad holds approximately $8 billion in Saudi deposits at its central bank. In July, the State Bank of Pakistan said Riyadh had extended the maturity of $5 billion in deposits to December 2028, easing the country’s immediate external financing requirements. A further $3 billion deposit was also extended in the spring. However, the article argues that these arrangements provide temporary relief rather than long-term financial independence, particularly as regional conflict threatens the stability of the Gulf economies on which Pakistan relies. The report concludes that Pakistan faces a difficult balance between supporting Saudi Arabia militarily and preserving the financial and military resources needed to address its domestic and regional challenges.
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