November 9, 2024
3 mins read

Beijing Girds For U.S. Tensions As Trump Returns

With new technology restrictions and Trump’s expected hard-line stance on Beijing, the superpowers’ already fragile relationship may face further strain.

China is bracing itself for an uncertain future as Donald Trump returns to the White House, signalling a volatile period in US-China relations.

Trump’s re-election is expected to bring aggressive trade policies, including tariffs as high as 60 per cent on Chinese goods, potentially disrupting global supply chains and impacting China’s economic growth, CNN reported.

With new technology restrictions and Trump’s expected hard-line stance on Beijing, the superpowers’ already fragile relationship may face further strain.

But while Trump’s protectionist trade stance and transactional approach to foreign policy could put significant pressure on China, it may also lead to opportunities for Beijing. As Trump’s stance threatens US alliances and global leadership, Beijing sees a potential to fill the vacuum left by an “America First” approach and to assert a new global order less reliant on the US, reported CNN.

“Trump’s return to power will certainly bring greater opportunities and greater risks for China,” said Shen Dingli, a foreign policy analyst based in Shanghai. “Whether it eventually leads to more risks or more opportunities depends on how the two sides interact with each other.”

Officially, China’s response has remained neutral. In a statement, the Foreign Ministry said on Wednesday it “respected” the American electoral outcome, while Chinese President Xi Jinping congratulated Trump on Thursday. Trump has often praised Xi, calling him “a very good friend,” despite the marked downturn in US-China relations during his first term.

Xi conveyed to Trump that both countries should “find the right way” to “get along in the new era,” as stated by the Foreign Ministry. Yet beneath the calm official statements, Beijing is preparing for what could be an era of increased uncertainty.

“Trump is a very mercurial person,” said Liu Dongshu, assistant professor of international affairs at the City University of Hong Kong. “It remains to be seen whether he will implement, and to what extent, the policies he promised during the election campaign, and if he will stick to his first-term agenda.”

During his first term, Trump enacted sweeping trade tariffs on China, blacklisted telecom giant Huawei, and placed blame on Beijing for the COVID-19 pandemic. By the end of his term, bilateral relations had reached their lowest point in decades.

Trump has now indicated plans to impose 60 per cent tariffs on all Chinese goods, a punitive measure that could further destabilise China’s economy, already grappling with a property crisis, low consumer demand, and rising government debts, reported CNN.

Analysts warn that these tariffs could slash China’s growth rate by two percentage points, nearly half of the country’s projected annual growth rate of 5 per cent. The Chinese economy is already struggling with a property crisis, low consumer demand, and rising government debts.

Investment bank Macquarie forecasts that tariffs at this level could slash China’s growth rate by two percentage points, nearly half of the country’s projected annual growth rate of 5 per cent.

“Trade war 2.0 could end China’s ongoing growth model, in which exports and manufacturing have been the main growth driver,” wrote Larry Hu, chief China economist at Macquarie, in a recent research note.

Unlike prior Republican leaders, Trump’s unconventional style of policymaking adds to the uncertainty Beijing faces. “Trump began his first term as an enthusiastic admirer of Xi Jinping, before levying tariffs and then vilifying Beijing during the pandemic,” said Daniel Russel, vice president at the Asia Society Policy Institute. “So, Beijing is likely to approach the President-elect with caution — probing to ascertain which Trump to expect and where there may be opportunities to exploit.”

Despite the risks, Beijing also recognises the potential advantages of Trump’s “America First” stance. “Although Beijing is deeply concerned about the unpredictability of Trump’s China policy, it reminds itself that challenges also bring opportunities,” said Tong Zhao, a senior fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.

Beijing sees an opportunity to build closer ties with Europe, which may reject Trump’s tariffs and technology decoupling efforts, as well as other regions wary of US aggression. (ANI)

ALSO READ: Europe Braces For Complexities Of Trump 2.0

Newsdesk

Newsdesk

Aravind Rajeev is Deputy News Editor at Asian Lite, mostly covering the Middle East and GCC. He has over eight years of experience as a journalist, with a background in ground-level reporting, crime reporting, as well as international and regional news.

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Pakistan Risks Overstretching Itself in Yemen War

Pakistan’s expanding military role in Saudi Arabia amid the Yemen conflict could strain its defence resources and fragile finances…reports Asian Lite News Desk Pakistan’s military involvement in the war in Yemen may prove unsustainable because of mounting financial pressures and competing security demands, according to a new report. Islamabad’s growing military presence in Saudi Arabia risks stretching its defence resources while exposing the country to greater strategic and economic challenges. An article by Andrew Wilson in One World Outlook describes Pakistan’s involvement as a case of “fiscal and strategic overreach”, arguing that the country lacks the financial flexibility to sustain an expanded military commitment. Pakistan’s external finances depend heavily on an International Monetary Fund (IMF) programme, financial support from Gulf countries and remittances from Pakistani workers in the region. The report argues that deeper military involvement in the conflict could place additional pressure on these sources of financial stability. It also warns that deploying troops and military equipment abroad could weaken Pakistan’s capacity to address security challenges along its eastern border and deal with two domestic insurgencies. The move could also draw Islamabad into a conflict it has sought to approach cautiously. A Reuters report in May, citing Pakistani security and government sources, said Islamabad had deployed around 8,000 troops, a squadron of approximately 16 aircraft, mostly JF-17 fighter jets, two drone squadrons and a Chinese HQ-9 air-defence battery to Saudi Arabia. According to those sources, Riyadh was financing the deployment, with Pakistani personnel operating the equipment. The sources also said a confidential agreement contemplated the possibility of deploying up to 80,000 troops. Islamabad has not confirmed those figures, although it has acknowledged its military presence in Saudi Arabia, including the deployment of fighter jets at King Abdulaziz Air Base from April. The One World Outlook article argues that Saudi financial support can cover allowances and operating expenses but cannot easily replace military equipment needed elsewhere or resolve the political and strategic challenges of participating in the Yemen conflict. Pakistan’s defence budget is another concern. For the 2026-27 financial year, the federal government allocated PKR 3 trillion, or approximately $10.8 billion, to defence services. The allocation represents an 18 per cent increase from the original PKR 2.55 trillion provision and amounts to around 2.1 per cent of projected gross domestic product (GDP). Defence spending accounts for approximately 16 per cent of the federal government’s PKR 18.8 trillion expenditure. Military pensions are budgeted separately at PKR 822 billion, while debt servicing costs stand at approximately PKR 8 trillion, more than two-and-a-half times the defence allocation. The report argues that these competing financial obligations leave little room for additional military expenditure without placing further pressure on public finances. Pakistan’s reliance on IMF assistance also limits its fiscal flexibility. The country must meet the conditions attached to the programme, including a primary budget surplus target of 2 per cent of GDP and continued restraint on development spending. According to the article, these requirements make it difficult for Islamabad to finance an additional military commitment without compromising other budgetary priorities. Pakistan’s economic indicators offer limited reassurance. Economic growth for the 2025-26 financial year is estimated at between 3.6 and 3.7 per cent, while inflation reached approximately 10.3 per cent in September following an energy price shock. Foreign exchange reserves stood at around $21.5 billion at the end of September. Although this marks an improvement from the low levels recorded in 2023, the report notes that the reserves cover only a few months of imports. Financial assistance from Gulf partners remains central to Pakistan’s external stability. The article says Islamabad holds approximately $8 billion in Saudi deposits at its central bank. In July, the State Bank of Pakistan said Riyadh had extended the maturity of $5 billion in deposits to December 2028, easing the country’s immediate external financing requirements. A further $3 billion deposit was also extended in the spring. However, the article argues that these arrangements provide temporary relief rather than long-term financial independence, particularly as regional conflict threatens the stability of the Gulf economies on which Pakistan relies. The report concludes that Pakistan faces a difficult balance between supporting Saudi Arabia militarily and preserving the financial and military resources needed to address its domestic and regional challenges.
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